Iran, formerly known as Persia, comprises an area of approximately 628,000 square miles, bounded on the north by the Soviet Union, on the east by Afghanistan and Pakistan, on the south by the Persian Gulf and the sea of Oman, and on the west by Iraq and Turkey. The interior highlands and plains are surrounded by high mountains rising to 18,934 feet. Large salt deserts cover much of the area, but there are many oases and forest areas (The World Almanac of Facts, 1980, 1979:546).
The nomads of Iran, with some exceptions, have always been a people primarily dependent upon their herds for survival. They migrate between summer and winter camps in search of grass for their flocks and more suitable living conditions. Barth (1965:4) stated: “They are to be found in the lowlands; in summer, when the lowlands are arid wastes, they are to be found in the uplands.” Migration is an inseparable and essential part of nomadic life. In 1918, 25 percent of the Iranian population of 9.8 million were nomads, and tribalism was strong. Keshavarz and Nazem-Razavi (1975) estimated the tribal population of Iran in 1975 to be 4,819,921 with more than one half of this number still nomadic.
A comprehensive tradition has emerged from nomadic ways. The economic and sociopolitical institutions of Iranian nomads are the by-products of this tradition. In many ways, these institutions are dissimilar to those in other forms of societies. In the rural and urban areas, economic activities are normally centered in geographically limited areas, whereas nomads are not subjected to such limitations* The major source of livelihood for the Iranian nomads studied here is herding; it is herding that makes continuity possible.
Tradition plays a role in various spheres of this economy. Migration, which is a part of the economy, is controlled by tradition. When on the move from one campground to another, nomads follow a well-defined route.
Rights of transit normally are established by custom; deviations from these customs are unacceptable, and violators are subject to punishment. Use of pastures is defined by tradition. Nomads utilize the pastures for which they have traditionally held the rights of use. In the Qashqa’i tribe, until a quarter of a century ago, most of the pastures belonged to the members of the chief’s family, but some of the pastures were owned by the tribesmen in common. Since the so-called land reform of the Shah in the early 1960’s, some of these pastures have been transferred to government ownership, some have been retained by the members of the tribe, and some have stayed under the ownership of lesser khans and tribal chieftains who had proven their loyalty to the regime. Certain tribal chiefs, such as some in the Darrehshuri branch of the Qashqa’i tribe, enjoying the full support of the Shah’s regime, violated the traditional agreements and denied use of pastures to such sub-branches as the Nafar. These chiefs rented out the pastures under their control to the highest bidders or kept them for their owner’s use. Actions such as these brought economic hardship and devastation to many tribesmen.
Since the downfall of the Shah in 1979, the various people who had lost their pastures, either to the government or through renting out by the chiefs, have organized and attempted to regain their rightful and traditional privileges.
Tradition also determines the economic activities of the sexes. Work is classified: women are engaged in certain types of work and men in other forms. Like many other societies, values established by tradition are attached to work. Social relations are controlled and bound by tradition. All institutions, one-to-one relations between sexes and ages, responsibility toward work, family, and production are influenced by tradition. In all societies, tradition plays the significant role in relations between individuals and their surroundings, but not in a similar manner. Tradition, a product of past and specific environments, crystallizes itself in different ways, so it naturally takes on a different form and content in various societies.
The political realities of the nomadic societies are also rooted in tradition. Nomadic people, in various parts of Iran, are organized into political systems essential to their survival. For instance, the Qashqa’i tribe is a confederacy. It is made up of the following tayefehs, or tribes: Shesh Boluki, Darrehshuri/ Amaleh, Farsimadan, and Keshkuli. Each of these tayefehs is made up of several tirehS/ or clans. Every tireh is composed of many bunkus, beylehs, or blucks. The head of the confederation, traditionally, has been the ilkhan, who is assisted by an ilbegi. The highest authority of the tayefeh, normally, is one or several kalantars, sometimes referred to as khans.
Below the kalantars are the katkhodas, also called keykhas. The rish safids are the lowest in the hierarchy of authority. Generally speaking, nomadic leaders assume their authority in accordance with traditional dictates. Authority is passed on through birth. One must be of proper birth and possess necessary attributes to be eligible.